Sabrina Corlette, Abigail Knapp, Stacey Pogue
The U.S. is in a well being care affordability disaster, with customers struggling to pay for medical insurance and employers struggling to offer it. Texas isn’t any exception, because the state faces rising well being care costs which can be lowering entry to care and suppressing wage development. As in lots of different states, Texas has skilled a excessive charge of well being system consolidation, with monopolistic well being programs leveraging their market energy to bind employers and well being insurers to profit-maximizing contracts. This growing market dysfunction prompted Texas lawmakers in 2023 to enact laws to blunt the anti-competitive results of hospital monopolies, primarily by prohibiting sure clauses in provider-insurer contracts. Simply over two years later, nevertheless, it’s difficult to totally assess the influence of those reforms, partly due to loopholes that enable hospitals to proceed to demand extreme costs.*
Background
The rise in consolidated hospital programs has pushed up well being care costs as a result of these entities use their elevated market energy to extract greater reimbursement. Of their negotiations with industrial insurers, many well being programs require sure contracting clauses that constrain insurers from pursuing price containment methods that will empower employers and customers to make use of lower-priced, higher-quality suppliers. These clauses embrace, for instance:
- All-or-nothing: These clauses require insurers to contract with both all amenities and clinicians inside a well being system or none of them, no matter a person clinician or facility’s worth or high quality. In a extremely consolidated market, this allows a dominant well being system to boost costs for less-sought-after suppliers throughout the system.
- Anti-tiering. These clauses forestall insurers from sorting suppliers into completely different cost-sharing tiers primarily based on worth and high quality of care, by requiring them to put the supplier within the lowest cost-sharing tier, even when it doesn’t meet the insurer’s requirements for worth and high quality.
- Anti-steering: These clauses prohibit insurers from utilizing cost-sharing or different incentives to steer sufferers to competing suppliers, even when these suppliers are cheaper or greater high quality.
- Most-favored nation: These clauses prohibit suppliers from providing every other payer a lower cost, stopping competing payers available in the market from negotiating a decrease price contract with these suppliers.
- “Gag” clauses: These clauses prohibit contracting events from disclosing info, such because the negotiated reimbursement charges, to exterior entities, together with to the employers or customers who’re in the end paying for the protection. Gag clauses in provider-payer contracts had been prohibited below the Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2021. Nevertheless, compliance has assorted.
In a market with only one or two dominant well being programs, insurers and employer well being plans would not have the leverage to push again in opposition to cost-increasing contractual clauses. The identical is true for suppliers in a market with only one or two dominant insurers.
Some states have tried to curtail anti-competitive contracting by anti-trust oversight, however this may be resource-intensive (typically requiring litigation). Additionally it is slim in influence, as a result of any treatment, resembling a requirement to take away an anti-competitive clause, could be restricted to the events concerned within the contract.
The Texas Market
Customers in Texas are bearing the brunt of an more and more consolidated hospital market that’s driving up employer and insurers’ prices and in the end premiums. On common, employer well being plans in Texas pay native hospitals over two-and-a-half instances the Medicare reimbursement chargehowever a number of hospitals are accumulating between 290% and 320% of Medicare charges. In 9 metropolitan areasonly one or two well being programs management 100% of the market. As of 2020, over 60% of Texans lived in “extremely” or “very extremely concentrated” hospital metro areas, up from 36% in 2016. And 78% of Texas physicians are employed by hospitals, well being programs, or different company entities. The outcome? Premiums for employer-sponsored insurance coverage are rising quicker than the speed of inflation and in 2023 averaged over $8000 per yr for a person, and virtually $24,000 per yr for household protection. In a latest Gallup ballotTexas ranked fiftieth within the nation on well being care prices as a result of excessive burdens reported by its residents.,
In Texas–A Market-Primarily based Strategy to Consolidation
It could shock some that Texas is at the forefront of states which have tried to curtail onerous contracting clauses. A majority of the state’s lawmakers would possible say they’re sturdy believers within the free market and oppose many types of authorities regulation. However the legislative exercise in Texas displays a rising view that, in lots of components of the state, the well being care markets have develop into something however free.
Main as much as the 2023 legislative session, lawmakers had develop into more and more conscious of the huge variance in costs that industrial insurers had been paying for a similar well being care providers, with the value largely dictated by the supplier’s market energy and never scientific high quality or outcomes. In a functioning market, employers and insurers might design networks that prioritize environment friendly, prime quality suppliers, and sufferers might make knowledgeable decisions to scale back their out-of-pocket prices by utilizing suppliers acknowledged for delivering worth. However these sorts of decisions had been largely unavailable, as a consequence of anti-competitive contracts.
This market dysfunction prompted the Texas legislature to enact, in 2023, Home Invoice 711. The legislation bans 4 of the 5 anti-competitive contracting clauses listed above. Particularly, the invoice disallows suppliers from getting into into or renewing a contract that features an anti-steering, anti-tiering, gag, or most favored nation clause. Nevertheless, the legislation doesn’t prohibit the “all-or-nothing” clause, through which dominant well being programs require insurers to incorporate all amenities and clinicians throughout the system in its community, or none of them. Though prohibiting such clauses was initially really useful by invoice sponsors, doctor lobbyists, together with key physician-legislatorsopposed the availability, arguing, considerably hyperbolically, that it might “be an existential menace to hospitals, doctor practices, and different medical suppliers and would enable well being plans to decide on who’s put out of enterprise and who wins within the healthcare ‘market.’”
Is the legislation working as supposed?
Two years after enactment of HB 711, there’s little proof that the speed of development in well being care costs has declined in Texas. Payers and advocates report that some dominant hospital programs proceed to require all-or-nothing clauses of their contracts, a legislative loophole that has restricted plans’ means to design networks that optimize effectivity and worth. Additional, in a number of markets across the state, there is just one monopoly well being system, limiting the pool of competing suppliers round which insurers might design networks and steer customers through cost-sharing.
Wanting Forward
Texas advocates who supported the 2023 laws are contemplating methods for the subsequent legislative session** that will allow closing the “all-or-nothing” loophole, in order that employers and insurers would have extra flexibility to determine which amenities and clinicians inside a well being system to contract with. Nevertheless, lawmakers may additionally want to contemplate the fact that, in Texas’ most extremely consolidated markets, merely taking away some anti-competitive contracting clauses is not going to be ample to curtail worth gouging by monopolistic suppliers. In these components of the state, extra aggressive regulatory motion could also be wanted.
*The authors vastly recognize the willingness of a number of Texas well being care stakeholders and advocates to share their views on the event and influence of HB 711. Their insights helped form the drafting of this text.
**Texas’ legislature operates biennially, and can subsequent meet in January 2027.
